Colorado’s voting population was a largely Republican majority from 1880 to the early 2000s, with the party sometimes winning with a majority of 65%.
Then, history shows, several leftist billionaires donated heavily to state-level political races, for the state House and state Senate, and even the governor’s office. The candidates they funded became the majority.
Since then, leftists have been running the state, with the current Democrat majority in the state House, Senate, governor’s office and even the all-Democrat state Supreme Court, which radically even tried – and failed – to bar President Donald Trump from the 2024 presidential ballot.
The result has seen officials in Denver try repeatedly to control and mandate the thoughts and beliefs of business owners, with mandates supporting the LGBT ideology.
After all, Gov. Jared Polis is homosexual and brought his “first husband” to the governor’s mansion. But they’ve been slapped down, hard, twice by the Supreme Court already even as a third similar case is pending at the high court.
What also has happened is that Democrats in charge of state offices and coffers have turned their taxpayer-funded machinery into a weapon against Trump.
They’ve used tax revenues from the now-majority Democrats, as well as from the 43% minority Republicans, to sue the Trump administration 15 times.
The state’s political divisions are common to many states: Tens of thousands of square miles of rangeland and mountains are staunchly Republican. City centers, like Boulder, Denver and Fort Collins, are dominated by Democrats.
It is a report in Westword that documented how Phil Weiser, the far-left Democrat attorney general, “has joined or filed over a dozen lawsuits against the Trump administration.
So far in 2025.
Actually, the report confirms, “Weiser has filed 15 lawsuits against the Trump administration in partnership with other attorneys general across the country. Weiser’s lawsuits focus on maintaining Colorado’s federal funding and protecting the rights of Colorado citizens.”
Westword confirms, from April 29 was one in which Weiser opposes a Trump administration order under his program to save taxpayer money to cut back spending on AmeriCorps, a fed-funded program that in Colorado uses staff members to work in wildfire mitigation and trail restoration.
Weiser’s 2025 attacks on Trump began the day after the president took office.
On Jan. 21, Weiser sued, with other states, over Trump’s birthright citizenship order, a dispute that now has been taken up by the U.S. Supreme Court.
A week later, Weiser was suing over the Trump administration’s freeze on federal cash handouts to research groups and nonprofits.
On Feb. 5, Weiser opposed a decision to allowing members of the Department of Government Efficiency to access Treasury’s payment system, access that was needed to evaluation possible fraud and other criminal activity in the federal government’s disbursement of payments.
On Feb. 10, he opposed Trump’s decision to reduce reimbursements at research institutes across the country.
On Feb. 19, Weiser sued to keep federal taxpayer cash flowing to organizations that provided transgender chemicals and body mutilating surgeries to transgender patients, including children.
On March 6 he and others sued to continue handing out taxpayer money to grants that were to address the “shortage” of teachers in the nation.
He also, on the same day, joined an action against the Trump administration for laying off probationary federal employees.
On March 13, Weiser and others sued to keep the U.S. Department of Education, which has been targeted by the Trump administration for shutdown, with plans to give much of its authority to local and state education boards.
Weiser, on April 1, sued Health and Human Services chief Robert F. Kennedy Jr. over $11 billion in grant funding cuts to various “public health” programs.
On April 3, Weiser demanded in court that President Trump was not allowed to require documentation of citizenship for people to vote in U.S. elections.
On April 4, Weiser and others sued various administration components for delaying cash handouts for various medical research projects.
On that same day, Weiser was in court to keep open federal operations like the Institute of Museum and Library Services and the Minority Business Development Agency.
Then on April 23, he sued over the president’s tariffs, which are aimed at making the world trade economy fair to U.S. manufacturers, consumers and taxpayers.
And on April 27 there was Weiser’s claim that Colorado can keep pushing “diversity, equity and inclusion” social agendas despite the president’s ban, because the ban isn’t “fully explained,” the report said.
Many of the administration’s moves would end up reducing funding for special interest programs in Colorado.
The report noted, “It seems Weiser will be going to court a lot in the coming months.”
Some of Trump’s moves have been blocked by judges at the entry level of the federal court system. And they are on appeal. Some have been affirmed, including a decision by the Supreme Court to allow Trump’s ban on transgender patients in the military, for health and deployment reasons, to stand.
The actual results of many of Trump’s agenda points will become clear as the Supreme Court weighs in on more and more of the plans.
